The text and video of the presentation on “State, Democracy and Women in Christianity, Islam and Secularism” presented by Researcher Writer Hüseyin DAYI at the ASSAM Seminar on “Provisions Shedding Light on the Procedures and Principles of Governance in the State, Caliphate and Sultanate According to Islamic Fiqh” is below.

STATE, DEMOCRACY AND WOMEN IN CHRISTIANITY, ISLAM AND SECULARISM

Hüseyin DAYI

Bismillahirrahmanirrahim.

Distinguished participants, I respectfully greet you all.

The two distinguished speakers before me, in the course of their subjects, also explained to a great extent the issues that I will deal with according to the program, such as “council, vote, allegiance, merit, justice” and therefore “the formation of the common will in the Islamic State and its main fields of duty”. In a sense, that’s better for me. Because both of them explained those issues with full knowledge. In this case, it would be more appropriate for me to try to make an analysis based on the deficiencies that the speakers saw in our way of thinking, rather than the presentation I prepared beforehand.

One of the speakers, dear teacher Mehmet Erdoğan, complained about the existence of a cold attitude towards democracy and the activity of women in the socio-political field among religious people. Those legitimate grievances show that we need to deal with those issues more carefully. If an Islamic state were just a practice of the past, we might not need to focus our attention too much. However, as Noah Feldman, one of the Western thinkers, has stated, the desire for an “Islamic State” is getting stronger among Muslims all over the world. In fact, in this situation, which everyone observes, as a requirement of today's state, not only theologians but also scientists from all fields need to work with a multidisciplinary approach. Now, due to the necessity of a great deal of processing of the position, I will try to present the attitudes of Islamic, Christian and Western secular civilizations towards the state, democracy and the activity of women in politics by making a change.

"İslâm Fıkhına Göre Devlet, Hilafet ve Saltanatta Yönetim Usul ve Esaslarına Işık Tutan Hükümler" konulu ASSAM Seminerinde Marmara Ünv. İlâhiyat Fak. Öğretim Üyesi Prof. Dr. Ahmet ÖZEL tarafından sunulan "Devlet Başkanı Olarak Hz. Peygamber: Yönetim, Dış İlişkiler, Ordu" konulu tebliğin giriş bölümü aşağıdadır.

Devlet Başkanı Olarak Hz. Peygamber: Yönetim, Dış İlişkiler, Ordu

                                                                                                          Ahmet Özel

Giriş. Resulullah’ın peygamberlik misyonu  ferdî ve manevî hayatın olduğu kadar sosyal ve maddî hayatın da mükemmellik ölçüsünü ortaya koymayı, her iki alanda da insanlara kılavuzluk yapmayı kapsamaktadır. Müslümanlar inançları gereği Hz. Peygamber’in her iki alandaki kılavuzluk ve otoritesini kabul etmekle birlikte İslam dünyasında onu tanıma ve anlama konusunda genellikle yeni bir sosyal düzenin kurucusu olarak gösterdiği faaliyetlerden çok ferdî ve manevî  hayata kılavuzluğuna   alaka  duyulmuş, hayatıyla ilgili literatür de daha çok bu istikamette gelişme göstermiştir. Esasen tarih boyunca müslüman toplumlarda sosyal hayatın Kur’an ve Sünnet’te belirlenen temel esaslar çerçevesinde şekillenmiş bulunması da insanların bu yönelişlerinde etkili olmuş, manevî olgunluk erdemli bir ferdî hayat kadar düzenli ve huzurlu bir sosyal hayat için de ulaşılması gereken bir amaç olarak görülmüştür. Batı dünyasında ise din ile hayatın maddî alanlarını birbirinden ayıran yaygın telakki çerçevesinde  peygamberliğin yalnızca ferdî ve manevî hayata kılavuzluk şeklinde kabul edilmesi Hz. Peygamber’in sosyal misyonu ve tarihî rolünün kavranmasında karşılaşılan ciddî zorlukların başında gelmekte ve dolayısıyla Resulullah sosyal ve siyasal hayata fazla angaje olmuş görülmektedir. Bir diğer problem de  Batı’nın yüzyıllar boyunca karşı karşıya kaldığı ve savaştığı rakip bir uygarlığın kurucusu olarak Hz. Peygamber hakkında Ortaçağ boyunca teşekkül eden önyargılardan ve  menfi tasavvurdan  hala kurtulamamış olunmasıdır. Ayrıca Resulullah’ın manevî yönünün beşerî faaliyetleriyle örtülü olması da bunda önemli rol oynamıştır. 

It is a fact that the general attitude of the people in Turkey has been in favor of human rights and freedoms, but since the so-called libertarian Committee of Union and Progress, a coup-plotter totalitarian mentality has been influential in the state. The most determined democratic stance of the nation against that mentality was realized under the leadership of Prime Minister R. Tayyip Erdoğan.

The most obvious feature of those who support the coup-plotter mentality is summarized in the phrase “It is not about Gezi. Did not you understand?”, which they used during the Gezi Park protests. Let alone those who believe in them, the nation understood that strategy very well. Just as Gezi was a pretext, the method they tried on March 30, 2014, local elections was also a pretext that they could not make it.

In this article, the subject will be discussed with the explanations of the Islamic mystic-philosopher Attar of Nishapur of the twelfth and thirteenth century and the Western philosophers of our time, and some events in the history of democracy. As a result, some basic expectations from the Turkish Armed Forces, National Intelligence Organization, and the public will be expressed.

ARTICLE 35 OF THE TAF
INTERNAL SERVICE LAW
IN THE NATIONAL DEFENSE COMMISSION OF THE TGNA

We can say that a consensus has been reached across the country with the government and its opposition regarding the amendment of Article 35 of the Turkish Armed Forces Internal Service Law No. 211.

This article was not only used as a basis for coups by the junta, but also became an encouraging factor in the formation of coup plotters.

In its current form, “The duty of the Armed Forces is to guard and protect the Turkish homeland and the Republic of Turkey, which has been appointed by the Constitution.” this article has caused our Armed Forces to turn to internal security rather than external security, to intervene in politics, to put political powers under tutelage and to act as regime guards.